The Congolese Miracle!
The Royal Museum for Central Africa, located in Tervuren, opened its doors as AfricaMuseum after a long renovation. Anyone visiting it will notice that the management has capitulated to the anti-colonial ideology imposed on the whole world: Belgians should not be proud of what they achieved in their colony, on the contrary, they should be deeply ashamed of their “ meddling “. They wanted to replace the indigenous “ civilisation “ of the blacks — inspired by paganism — with a western, Christian culture: an unforgivable crime!
Only a smaller room is still dedicated to the Belgians in Congo, with some pictures of the colonial era (but none of a missionary !) and the unmistakable message: this period was a regrettable interlude, fortunately it is all over and Congo can be “ itself “ again… Thanks to Lumumba, Mobutu, Kabila and other black potentates?
We must dare to row against the tide of correct thinking and write the truth: the colonial era, despite all its inevitable shortcomings, was a blessing for black people and a period that the elders among them remember with nostalgia.
The colony of Belgian Congo existed for only a little over half a century: from 1908 to 1960. In that short span of time, our compatriots made Congo the most industrialized colony in Africa, where black wage earners were among the best paid on the entire continent. It was an achievement that other colonial powers could envy. However, that is not to say that it was all plain sailing :
“ The truth is that building Congo was difficult and required unfailing attention and sustained efforts. World War I knocked on the colony’s door five years after its establishment. It began a promising development afterwards, until the tidal wave of the US stock market crash wiped out more than half of Congo’s enterprises and slowed down the evolution of the others; it had existed for 22 years at the time. Ten years later, World War II required extraordinary measures from her and she was forced to devalue her currency and orient the development of her agriculture in a direction that had nothing to do with the welfare of the rural population; she also had to find other buyers for the products of her mining. Then 15 short years remained until independence, years used to adjust the consequences of the war and to create all the infrastructure that was indispensable for the elevation of the intellectual and social level of the population.”
(André-Bernard Ergo, Congo belge. La colonie assassinée, Parijs, L’Harmattan, 2008, p. 9)
CONGO MUST BECOME PROFITABLE
The anti-colonialism that has been imposed on us for so long makes us have a downright negative image of Belgian Congo: a country where poor blacks were exploited to enrich the selfish whites. This caricature does not do justice to the true history of the colony. Belgium’s first goal has always been to bring civilization to the Congolese people; and civilizing meant elevating them both spiritually and materially. The necessary condition for this was the economic opening-up of Congo.
As early as 1906, King Leopold II succeeded in getting the Société Générale, our country’s most important investment company, to take an interest in the economic possibilities of his Free State. Key figure in this was Jean Jadot, head of the Société Générale’s industry department. Under his impetus, the three subsidiaries that are inextricably linked to Congo’s history were created: the Union Minière du Haut Katanga (UMHK), the Société internationale forestière et minière du Congo (Forminière) and the Compagnie du Chemin de Fer du Bas-Congo au Katanga (BCK).
After Belgium took over Congo, the government decided to work closely with these companies. They alone had the necessary capital to make the vast country profitable. It was the only chance to pull Congo out of its underdevelopment. But the government did not want to repeat Leopold II’s mistakes and resolved to control, adjust and steer the capitalist system in the right direction. Abuses were absolutely not to be given another chance.
Jadot became governor of the Société Générale in 1913. Immediately after the end of the World War, he drew the map of Congo in full and spearheaded a massive investment program. He had built tramways in Cairo and railways in China, so he knew how to do it. First of all, a solid infrastructure was built in Congo: schools, hospitals, roads and railway lines. Then, mining could begin of what was the colony’s big trump card: the underground wealth of ores.
MINING AS A SPEARHEAD
“legislation that granted to the state the possession of all mines and the privilege to exploit them. This legislation simultaneously protected the natives, who retained their rights to the ore deposits they mined “ (Ergo p. 91).
In Kasai, diamonds were discovered in 1911. This had been preceded by several years of prospecting in extremely difficult conditions, in a region where the natives were generally hostile to Europeans. One usually loses sight of the fact that twice the Forminière had to devote its entire capital to exploring immense areas and only thanks to the boundless trust of its shareholders did it not go over the top (cf. Ergo p. 96).
When it finally did, the company was allowed to exploit the subsoil of Kasai. As early as 1921, it introduces ox carts for transporting all the material, eliminating the need for black carriers. In 1930, it will have mined a total of 4 million carats of diamonds, which will be sent to Antwerp for further processing. The Forminière also engages in tin mining, forestry, plantations, cattle breeding and arable farming. It manages some 11 million hectares of land.
The soil wealth in Katanga is nothing short of fabulous. The Union Minière obtained permission from the state to mine copper there in the first place. People mistakenly think that this was a success story from the start:
“ The later so untouchable Union Minière is close to bankruptcy a few times. […] However, the company did not give up, buying modern machinery, training staff and the First World War increased demand for copper. But with the end of that war, the world price collapses. Only through a drastic increase in capital and huge investments in the new factories […] can they produce more cheaply and finally still conquer a piece of the world market“
(Vita Foutry and Jan Neckers, Like a world so big where your flag is planted. Congo 1885–1960, BRT Instructive Broadcasting, 1985, pp. 104–105).
Copper production in 1920 was nineteen thousand tonnes. By 1925, it is already ninety thousand tonnes and Congo has become the fifth world producer of copper. It is then mined in six open-pit mines and one underground mine.
“One will never be able to place enough emphasis on what the Belgian engineers of Union Minière achieved in an area where labour was exceptionally difficult.“ and where they had to deal with “ the particular nature of the oxidised ores to be treated, an operation considered at the time by American experts to be extremely difficult and even impossible “
(Ergo p. 94).
Katanga copper ore often also contains cobalt and radium. The former is treated in Jadotstad to an alloy of copper-cobalt-iron; that is shipped to Belgium where the elements are separated again. Copper ore in which radium is present goes directly to a specialised plant in the Kempen municipality of Olen.
To mine, the companies need material. This has to be imported from abroad (preferably the mother country), but connections are poor and transport is expensive. It becomes the mission of the General Company’s third subsidiary, the Compagnie du Chemin de Fer du Bas-Congo au Katanga, to do something about it.
“Thousands of kilometres of railways and rivers should connect Katanga and Kasai directly with the Atlantic Ocean across Congolese, i.e. “ national “ territory.“
(Foutry and Neckers p. 104).
The exploitation of Congolese gold mines began as early as 1905. They were predominantly:
“in sparsely inhabited areas, far from all communication channels. These zones would never have developed without the exploitation of the mines, which required a network of roads, transport systems and labour camps. This enabled the local population to develop food crops and thus improve their living conditions“
(Ergo pp. 92–93).
Tinerts was mined by the Union Minière from 1919 onwards. By the end of the 1920s, about five thousand blacks were employed in those mines, framed by 150 colonials.
A MULTITUDE OF COMPANIES
Immediately after World War I, businesses were springing up all over our colony. Some of them are creations of the “ big three “:
“The Union Minière needs hydroelectric plants for its energy supply. For this it gives birth to a subsidiary: Sogefor. Chemicals are manufactured by daughter Sogechim and her sister Sogelec looks after electricity distribution and 2 granddaughters, Comelco and Entrelco, which make electrical equipment.“
(Foutry and Neckers p. 109).
Other companies are completely separate from mining. The Compagnie Sucrière congolaise devoted itself to cane sugar extraction in Lower Congo from 1925. Five years later, 2,000 hectares have been planted and annual production is close to 2,000 tonnes. Three thousand blacks work in this industry during the harvest period.
A pioneer in the timber industry is the Société des Bois et Produits du Mayumbe (BOPROMA), which starts up a large sawmill in 1919. Its example was followed by other firms in other regions.
“Many of these companies reforest with indigenous tree species, others transform the exploited areas into plantations for oil palms, coffee bushes and cocoa trees.“
(Ergo p. 106).
The cotton industry develops with the establishment of Cotonco in 1920. Large areas in Kasai and Eastern Province prove suitable for cultivation. In 1921, 1,770 tonnes of cotton fibres are produced; nine years later, the figure is 30,000 tonnes! Thanks to strict state regulation, high quality fibres are produced, giving Congolese cotton an excellent reputation on international markets. A historic event took place in 1927: the founding in Leopoldville of the Texaf factory, with spinning mills, weaving mills and a dyeing mill, which manufactured fabrics not for export, but for the Congolese market itself. It is the first enterprise of that nature and importance in black Africa.
On the eve of the great crisis, Congo has nearly 6,700 large and smaller enterprises. Capital invested in the colony exceeds 7 billion francs. In 12 years, Congo’s appearance has changed beyond recognition and the black population has been accustomed to Western values and — what is not a given ! — to European work ethics.
The management in the companies consists exclusively of white people, but among the chiefs there is a shift over time: year after year, the trade schools for natives produce more trained lower technicians who were recruited as chiefs.
A NEW AGRICULTURAL POLICY
In this context, it is important to discuss agriculture in general. It was not in such good shape when Belgium took over Congo in 1908. The government therefore hired the renowned Leuven agricultural engineer and professor Edmond Leplae and appointed him director-general of the Agriculture Department of the Ministry of Colonies.
“He was now given full freedom to outline the Belgian colonial agricultural structure according to his own views, replacing the exploitation of wild rubber that had existed under Leopold II. Over the next 23 years, Leplae built a successful agricultural policy, in which he put science to work in driving up the economic returns of the colony “
As early as 1917, on his advice, the government decided that the traditional “ survival economy “ should end. The natives were instructed to grow two types of crops from now on: edible products (cassava, rice) and industrial products (cotton).
“The edible products should benefit health and also serve to supply industrial workers. The industrial products bring in money and provide a higher standard of living.“
(Foutry and Neckers p. 42).
The authors speak of “ forced crops “, which sounds very negative and does not sufficiently highlight that these crops eliminated malnutrition, diseases and famine.
Leplae appointed specialised agronomists in all districts. He founded meteorological stations, two agronomy labs and a bacteriology lab. He was also behind the National Institute for Agricultural Studies in Belgian Congo, which developed a network of experimental stations in the main agricultural and animal husbandry centres. Its specialists crossed plants, studied fertilisers and ascertained which livestock was best suited to which region.
RECRUITMENT OF WORKERS
In 1910, the head tax in kind was replaced by a Western-style cash tax. Congolese earned money by working as wage earners in white people’s enterprises or by growing agricultural products to sell to them. But the Congolese and his family do that work until they accumulate the amount for their taxes and then fail. As a result, the societies constantly suffer from staff shortages.
When the economy gained momentum in the 1920s, it was no longer enough to send recruiters to the villages or organise work fairs. A veritable “hunt” for black workers ensues, which soon threatens to get out of hand. The government intervenes by setting up a Commission for Indigenous Labour, which tackled matters efficiently and on a large scale. It assigned the societies each a zone where they had the recruitment monopoly (e.g. UMHK gets Maniama, Eastern Province and Ruanda-Urundi and BCK were allowed to recruit for its railways in Kasai). The number of adult men eligible for recruitment was determined per district; if the set quota was reached, the region was temporarily closed to recruitment. The state did this to avoid emptying the countryside and causing agriculture to suffer.
Candidate workers did not only receive a wage, but also a variety of fringe benefits. For instance, they received a weekly food ration whose composition was laid down by law: 3,500 calories a day and a fixed ratio of carbohydrates, proteins and fats.
The workers who present themselves first entered a preparation camp. There they learn European discipline: getting up early, working a fixed number of hours a day, learning to live with men from other tribes. Those whose constitution was too weak or troublemakers were inexorably expelled. Those who were finally found suitable were given a contract, usually for three years.
MAJOR SOCIAL EFFORTS
Modern historiography on the Belgian Congo rarely, if ever, discusses the social policies of the societies with a view to the welfare of their black workers. Of course, such politics were not unrelated to the interests of the companies, but what they realized went well beyond the purely economic.
In the Katanga mining region, where about 14,000 natives were employed in 1930, the Union Minière set up an extensive network of facilities. The original labour camps were expanded into model camps with family homes, surrounded by plantations that provided food. A technical school was founded in Jadotstad to train artisans. Modern equipped dispensaries and hospitals were established, for which the society attracted women religious. UMHK intervened financially for the workers’ families and provided free education for their children. In turn, the unmarried were given facilities to find a life companion in their native region and often money was even lent to advance the dowry. André-Bernard Ergo rightly speaks of “ a remarkable and exceptional bilan in barely twenty years.“
In 1927, the mining company’s medical budget amounted to 17 million francs, while the colonial government spent “ only “ 50 million on health care throughout Belgian Congo that year.
The Forminière, for its part, made it a point of honour throughout the colonial period to contribute to improving the living conditions of the local population. It established labour camps which it placed under the control of an extensive medical service consisting of no fewer than 13 doctors, a pharmacist, 13 sanitary agents and 140 Congolese nurses. The important medical infrastructure (20 hospitals and 42 dispensaries) was also opened up to the rural population, which also benefited from the care provided by a special mission to fight sleeping sickness and, if necessary, could go to a shelter for lepers and people affected by the trypanosoma parasite. The company further established schools as well as cattle ranches and plantations to ensure a regular supply of food for the work force.
The Compagnie du Chemin de Fer du Bas-Congo au Katanga, which also mined, pursued a pervasive social policy. It installed mixed settlements for miners and farmers on its land, where there were kitchens, washrooms, toilets and sports fields. The farmers provided crops that benefited the entire community. The BCK also organised education, by missionaries, at posts in their network where no schools were available.
The Société Anonyme des Huileries du Congo belge (HCB), a company founded by British Lever Brothers — one of the few non-Belgian firms operating in the colony — focused on palm oil production. In 1929, it provided work for 25,000 blacks. In all the HCB’s establishments, the workers could have:
“Model brick houses surrounded by small gardens, fruit trees and plantations. An extensive medical service was at their disposal: 14 hospitals, a lazaret for victims of sleeping sickness, 17 dispensaries and 5 laboratories run by doctors, nurse-midwives and sanitary agents.“
(Ergo p. 100).
It also established primary schools for workers’ children, vocational schools entrusted to missionaries and an institute to train black midwives.
This social policy, an example for the whole of Africa, was appreciated by blacks. By the mid-1920s there are almost no recruitment problems. At the end of their three-year contract, workers usually get two months’ holiday. Most then return to their native village, where their (relative) wealth encourages others to also work in industry.
DEVELOPMENT OF A MODERN TRANSPORT SYSTEM
The development of trade and industry makes it imperative that communications and transport are not only improved but also expanded.
“Especially after the War of 14–18, the fleet becomes more important to relieve the ports of Congo of the cargo stock piled up there during hostilities. By 1930, the Compagnie Maritime Belge (Royal Loyd) will have a total tonnage of 320,000 tonnes. It operates a fast passenger service between Antwerp and Belgian Congo (16 days), assuring passengers a comfort that no scheduled service on the west coast of Africa can match. Congo’s seaports are being adapted to accommodate all these new ships […]. It may be said that by 1930 all transit centres on Congo’s rivers are equipped with deep-water quays or mooring pontoons equipped with cranes or other means of unloading goods.“
(Ergo pp. 108–109).
Railways were also in need of an update. In 1924, the railway line built by Albert Thys from Matadi to Leopoldville could no longer cope with the influx of goods to be transported. The line had to be modernised: a greater width between the rails and straightening of the route wherever possible. To realise the extensive programme of new railways, the number of companies is multiplied. By the end of the 1920s, more than 400 locomotives were operating in our colony. By comparison, Brazzaville, the capital of French Congo, was not yet connected to the ocean by a railway at that time!
The colony’s vehicle fleet (cars and trucks) expanded from a thousand units in 1925 to 2,100 units five years later. The Eastern Province then has ten thousand km of roadways, for Katanga it is six thousand km. The latter province even has an “ automobile club “ that publishes a guide to the drivable roads.
Finally, Belgium is the first country to establish an air link in its colony. In 1919, King Albert I personally financed research into the possibilities in Congo. At first, seaplanes were used; a mail airline was set up between Leopoldville and Stanleyville (1 700 km, with stopovers), using a dozen of these aircraft. The technical exploration was so successful that on 23 May 1923 a more sustainable company with a commercial character was created: SABENA, which organised its first passenger flight over Congo (from “ Leo “ to Luebo, on the route to Elizabethville) in 1925.
CRISIS AND RESURRECTION
In October 1929, stock prices on the Wall Street stock exchange collapsed completely. The stock market crash had catastrophic consequences worldwide, including in Belgian Congo:
“When the crisis broke out in the 1930s, a large number of whites became unemployed. Even the state then laid off a third of its staff. The number of white adult men in the private sector falls from 13,192 in 1929 to 6666 in 1934. The number of white workers at the UMHK, for example, drops from 2,271 in 1929 to 505 in 1932. The dismissed workers are sent back to Belgium.“
(Foutry and Neckers p. 32).
Bleak times also dawned for the black workers:
“The Union Minière scaled back its production to 35% of its former activity. The Texaf complex [cotton fabrics for the Congolese market] goes belly-up. Only 110,000 of the 250,000 indigenous industrial workers retain their jobs.“
(ibid. p. 105).
It takes until 1936 for the economy to revive. Copper production reaches 122,000 tonnes in 1939, which is still below the peak of 137,000 tonnes a decade earlier. But employment is almost back to 1929 levels on the eve of World War II.
On the health front, Congo is already making great strides in the 1930s. Government health services examine nearly three million blacks for the dreaded sleeping sickness in 1930 ; thirty-three thousand infected patients are treated, a number that decreases from year to year due to the good quality of health care. Many tens of thousands of children are closely monitored by sister missionaries on infant consultations. With the continuous expansion of transport infrastructure and government control of agricultural production, famine is now rare. As a result, mortality rates are falling dramatically.
In the field of education, the colony can also boast fine results.
“The aim is to raise the standard of as many Congolese as possible rather than to form an elite minority [as the British and French did in their colonies]. In 1939, 730,000 Congolese children attend school.“
(Foutry and Neckers p. 40).
The reason for this particular situation lies with the Catholic missionaries who have almost complete control over education: for them, the main issue is the propagation of the faith, not the education of native elites.
In February 2019, a United Nations working group that visited our country over alleged racism and xenophobia concluded that there is “a lack of recognition of the true extent of the violence and injustice of colonisation”. The report denounced “ the systematic exclusion from education, employment and opportunity “ in the former Belgian Congo. How far can one drive the lie, how with impunity can one violate the truth ! Belgium would do well to defend its own past courageously and without complexes against so much slander.